Overview of The China Shock 2.0
This New York Times Opinion conversation with Brad Setser argues that the world is entering a new phase of China-driven economic disruption. Unlike the first “China shock,” which hit lower-end manufacturing and devastated specific U.S. communities, “China Shock 2.0” is centered on China’s dominance in advanced industries like electric vehicles, batteries, solar panels, and potentially AI and software. Setser explains how China’s state-directed, export-heavy model has evolved, why it now poses a broader geopolitical and industrial challenge, and why U.S. and European policy responses have often been too broad, too slow, or poorly coordinated.
What “China Shock 1.0” Was
Low-end manufacturing displacement
- The first China shock began around China’s WTO entry in the early 2000s.
- China surged in exports of:
- clothing
- furniture
- household appliances
- other lower-value manufactured goods
Local economic damage in the U.S.
- The main impact was regional, not national:
- factory closures
- falling local property values
- reduced spending in manufacturing towns
- wider community decline
- Setser notes research linking this shock to:
- deaths of despair
- political realignments
- support for Donald Trump in affected areas
Why it was underestimated
- Policymakers assumed:
- displaced workers would move into better jobs
- trade gains would outweigh the losses
- China would become more like the U.S. economically and politically
What Makes “China Shock 2.0” Different
It is hitting frontier industries
China is now a major force in sectors that are central to future growth and strategic power:
- electric vehicles
- batteries
- solar panels
- advanced industrial machinery
- possibly AI and open-source models
China is no longer just competing on price
- In the first shock, China mainly exported cheaper, lower-end goods.
- In the second shock, China is competing in industries that define the technological frontier.
The global impact is much broader
- Europe, especially Germany, is highly exposed because its industrial base is still manufacturing-centered.
- The U.S. is less exposed than Europe in traditional manufacturing, but faces major risks in advanced technology and AI.
Why China’s Model Works Differently
A state-directed but highly competitive system
Setser describes China as a hybrid:
- centrally controlled finance
- state-owned enterprises in strategic sectors
- provincial governments competing to support favored industries
- lots of subsidy, credit, and local industrial policy
China saves and invests far more than other countries
Key features of the Chinese system:
- very thin social safety net
- low personal income tax
- regressive consumption taxes
- limited welfare support
- hukou system restricting labor mobility
- high household savings
This creates:
- enormous domestic savings
- abundant capital for state-directed investment
- the ability to keep pouring money into strategic industries
How China Built Its EV and Battery Advantage
Foreign firms helped build the foundation
- China required foreign automakers to partner with Chinese firms.
- Joint ventures with GM, Ford, VW, Toyota, and others helped China learn:
- car production
- parts manufacturing
- supply chain development
Industrial policy accelerated the transition
- China later pushed hard into EVs with:
- credit support
- local subsidies
- state banking support
- local content rules
- consumer subsidies tied to Chinese production
Result
- China now has a massive EV and battery ecosystem.
- It can potentially supply not just its own market, but much of the world’s demand.
Overcapacity: What It Means Here
Not just “too much production”
Setser defines overcapacity as:
- China producing more than its domestic market can absorb
- and adding capacity in sectors where the world already has enough or too much supply
Why it matters
- In batteries, China’s capacity may exceed global demand by a wide margin.
- In autos, China can produce far more vehicles than it can sell at home.
- That means exports are necessary to keep factories running.
Consequences
- pressure on foreign manufacturers
- shrinking margins globally
- risk of deindustrialization in Europe and elsewhere
- dependence on Chinese supply chains
Currency Manipulation and Trade Imbalances
China used to manipulate its currency
Setser says China clearly fit the definition of currency manipulation from roughly 2003 to 2012:
- undervalued currency
- heavy state intervention in foreign exchange markets
It may be happening again
- He argues China is again buying foreign currency at scale through state banks.
- This is part of the broader effort to support exports and suppress domestic consumption.
The Trump and Biden Trade Approaches
Trump’s first term: directionally right, but limited
Setser sees Trump’s first-term China policy as closer to correct than the second term:
- targeted tariffs on China made sense
- the old WTO-centered consensus had clearly failed
- tariffs should be used carefully and selectively
Trump’s second term: too broad and too chaotic
He criticizes the second-term approach for:
- extremely high tariffs
- tariffs on allies as well as China
- alienating potential partners
- hurting U.S. consumers and firms
- failing to create a coherent anti-China coalition
Biden: more strategic, but not enough
Setser gives Biden credit for:
- keeping many tariffs in place
- restricting advanced chip exports to China
- supporting domestic industrial policy through measures like the Inflation Reduction Act
But he says Biden still did not go far enough on:
- critical minerals
- rare earths
- active pharmaceutical ingredients
- broader economic coordination with allies
The U.S., Europe, and the Need for Coordination
Europe is becoming more aligned with U.S. concerns
- Europeans initially focused on WTO rules and procedural fairness.
- Now many are more worried about industrial hollowing-out and dependence on China.
A missed opportunity
Setser argues the U.S. should have tried to build:
- a North American + European industrial alliance
- shared rules on sensitive sectors
- a coordinated response to Chinese overcapacity
Why that matters
Without coordination:
- China can divide markets
- allies compete against each other
- it becomes harder to build alternative supply chains
The AI and “China Shock 3.0” Risk
A possible new frontier
Setser warns that a third shock could emerge in:
- software
- AI
- cloud-related services
- digital infrastructure
Why this matters
The U.S. has benefited enormously from:
- software
- finance
- big tech platforms
- AI leadership
But China could become highly competitive because:
- open-source models are advancing quickly
- Chinese firms can move fast on energy and infrastructure
- China may build data centers and scale more aggressively than the U.S.
Uncertain outcome
- It is not guaranteed that U.S. firms will capture the huge profits people expect from AI.
- The market may become more competitive and less dominated by a few American giants.
Core Takeaways
- China is no longer just a low-cost manufacturing exporter; it is now a frontier industrial power.
- The second China shock is more dangerous because it affects strategic sectors and high-value jobs.
- China’s model combines state power, industrial policy, and massive savings to dominate key industries.
- U.S. policy has shifted toward accepting that free-trade assumptions no longer fit the reality.
- Setser believes the best response is not total decoupling, but strategic competition:
- protect key sectors
- reduce dependence
- coordinate with allies
- avoid over-reliance on China in sensitive supply chains
Recommended Books Mentioned
1. The Party — Richard McGregor
- A foundational book on how the Chinese Communist Party shapes modern China.
- Setser says understanding the CCP is essential to understanding China itself.
2. The Volatility Machine — Michael Pettis
- A classic on financial vulnerabilities in global and emerging-market economies.
- Useful for understanding China’s financial system and modern industrial financing risks.
3. How to Win a Trade War — Chad Bown and Samantha/Seema? Keynes
- A practical, balanced guide to trade conflict and supply-chain vulnerability.
- Setser praises it as useful regardless of one’s politics.
Bottom Line
The conversation argues that China’s rise is no longer just a story about cheap imports and lost factory jobs. It is now about advanced industrial dominance, geopolitical leverage, supply-chain coercion, and the future of AI and digital power. Setser’s central message is that the U.S. and its allies need a more realistic, strategic approach: one that accepts competition with China as a long-term fact and builds enough industrial strength to avoid dependence.
